DAVYDOV V.N., JORGE AUGUSTO KING, IDRIS AHMAD World-System Analysis and Regional Conflicts
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2019.32.2.010
V.N. DAVYDOV Deputy Director, Institute of modern politics, Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia, Moscow, Russia
JORGE AUGUSTO KING trainee at the Chair of political analysis and management, Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia, Moscow, Russia
IDRIS AHMAD postgraduate student at the Chair of political analysis and management, Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia, Moscow, Russia
WORLD-SYSTEM ANALYSIS AND REGIONAL CONFLICTS
The article deals with some key problems of relations between the world centers of power and the periphery, to which as African history and today situation show the political centers of successful civilizations transfer their own problems and difficulties: from harmful industries to unequal exchange of goods. Attempts by the "outsiders of progress" to oppose the expansion cause a tough reaction from the civilization nuclei.
According to the authors, I. Wallerstein’s world-system analysis has a significant research potential to study and block the conflictogenic factors of the regional projection.
Key words: Africa, AFRICOM, global problems, denuclearization, world centers of power, world system analysis, periphery, systemic crisis, disputed territories, regional conflicts.
A sure sign of scientific activity is the numerous attempts to classify the whole range of the current century conflicts. But the description of common signs of violence seems to be just the key to the database of emergencies with more or less victims…It seems that in the study of the extreme it is important not only to see the intermediate stage (with a certain set of quantitative indicators) but to find the end result: justification for the mechanism of blocking, “neutralization” of destructive forces, opponents of peace and stability, and for the conceptual algorithm of actions for the persons responsible for the political decision-making. The scientific community, as they say, continues to work over these problems, giving from time to time sketches of the scientific picture of a troubled world.
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There are two directions of research in the cognitive process of the evolution of armed conflicts: a) the search for a universal formula for conflict prevention and b) a systematic analysis of potential challenges and threats and options for their de-escalation, including the study of the resource potential of regional actors; the cooperation of state and non-governmental organizations; the possibilities of a new technological structure and so on.
An abundance of empirical material for the generalizations and analysis is comes to the expert community from the post-Soviet space and from the Middle East hotbeds of tension, from Asian armed conflicts, Latin America and Africa. Just recently, there was a report of another coup d'état in Sudan with the participation of the armed forces of this East African country. The lack of operational data on the genesis, driving forces and participants of the rebellion narrows the window of opportunities for the expert assessment of its prospects and classification [3].
By whose authoritative opinion shall we be guided in this case? Shall we reconstruct the last version of events on the troubled continent according to Kosukhin [16. P. 48-58, 17-27], Savin [19], Medvedev [17], Sushchentsov [24. P. 78-103], Bogaturov [5], Arefiev [2], Ivashov [13] or Efremova, who is originally interpreting the “new world order” within the framework of classical paradigms [10. P. 5-13]. Or shall we rely on our own research in the justification of some forecasts? [8. P. 31-45].
In this context, we can only agree with the opinion by the researcher K. A. Efremova, who insists that considering the diversity and often the mutual antagonism of ideas that are difficult to fit into the elastic framework of the transcendent approach to the problems of world order and security, it is impossible to give up anything in the collective scientific search [10. P. 11]. Moreover, we cannot ignore the fundamental positions of the representatives of the classical school of system analysis, such as Immanuel Maurice Wallerstein and his “world-system analysis” [25]. He is a well-known sociologist and Africanist, for whom the modern world is an extensive integrated system, extremely contradictory and unstable, equally dependent on both the stability/instability of peripheral subsystems and the managerial consistency of the nuclei of civilizations (Atlantic, Eurasian, Chinese, Arab and others).
In the interpretation of I. Wallerstein “The world system is a kind of a territorial-temporal space, which covers many political and cultural units, but at the same time is a single organism, all activities of which are subject to the same system rules” [7. P. 85].
The world system analysis is grounded by three basic principles: unit of measurement (analysis) of processes [28. P. 190] is not a national state, but a world system; long-term study of core-periphery/semi-periphery relations (a century or more); a single-disciplinary approach to the subject field of the study.
Historically, only the modern world system has survived and exists for a long period of time in the form of the world economy and a self-regulating capitalist system. The conjugation of these interdependent worlds supports the effective division of labor [27. P. 100-101] and large common markets. By the way, the ability to be updated, resistance, adaptability of the conductors of the idea of “infinite accumulation” to the socio-political and technological challenges of the new economic structures pushes back the death of the capitalist system predicted by Marxism-Leninism for an indefinite period.
The current trends highlighted by the political scientists from the turbulence of the “new world order,” reflecting the aggravated contradictions of the current century, are waiting for, including, the world system analysis. These are the following issues:
1) regionalization of the world economy. Formation of regional or trans-regional spaces that are in competitive relations with each other. De-globalization of the real sector of the world economy. Economic crisis of “world factories” and "global assembly shops”;
2) deepening social stratification and atomization. Asymmetry of consumption and social standard. Pauperization and final design of the precariat (1). Separation of social status from property ownership and management;
3) the collapse of the global political mainstream, the restoration and regionalization of ideological multi-vector. Europe will gravitate to the “new right.” Eurasian space is on the threshold of a left turn. Syncretic ideological constructs are being formed in the Middle East;
4) medium-term deinstitutionalization of the global political and economic space. Collapse of the international law. The era of ad hoc coalitions. The period of local and regional wars;
5) the multi-vector technology. The critical lag of the technological revolution. The renewal of the technological competition. Transition to a full division of labor and to a more balanced relationship in the collection of technological rent.
Without going into a lengthy comment, we note that these trends are United not only by the authors’ intention [11. P. 35], but by the presence in each of them of systemic contradictions, preludes of future conflicts. Duration, scale, and statistics of losses will depend on the strategic culture and tactical thinking of the ruling political elites whose managerial competence recently causes concern of many Russian researchers [14. P. 7].
That is why the analysis of the above-mentioned 4th trend of “local wars” is so important. Indeed, the rise of violence is the dominant feature of the modern era. Among the characteristics of “projections of violence” was the transfer of military confrontation from the center (core) of the world system to the periphery/semi-periphery. In the same way, as the environmentally “dirty” production was usually moved from Europe or the United States to the “third world countries.” Africa, for example, that without its consent was included in the Atlantic, Arab, Asia or Latin American world systems, has experienced the full range of costs of slave, colonial, capitalist presence of the world centers of power.
According to experts, only in the second half of the XX century, there were about 100 military coups and more than 50 wars of different kinds in Africa. During the conflicts, about 10 million people were killed and 90% of the victims of armed violence were civilians [15. P. 96]. As our co-authors rightly believe, the main reason of instability in the African continent is the external factor [22. P. 40-49]. There are disputed territories in 23 African countries, for the possession of which hostilities renew from time to time [29. P. 50-52]. There are not enough efforts and ability of the authorities of the nucleus and partners within the periphery in order to definitively end the violence. It leads to pessimistic conclusions about the sustainability of the “world order”. Without waiting for the correction of the world system, Africans are forced to migrate to the centers of their universe, to the places from where the stability of the Black continent is undermined [7. P. 184-191].
I. Wallerstein matched the growth of contradictions in the system of core-periphery relations with another component of the subjective factor, with the lag of the research corps in the scientific understanding of the problems of the transition period (from the unipolar world to the multipolar, from the triumph of the ruling minority to the struggling and asserting their rights to the majority). With the retreat of the world system of socialism, the problem of self-interest of monopolies “when they faced the problem of compression of profits”, became particularly clear. At the same time, according to experts, European and American liberals for the past three decades have actually reversed the achievements of social models. As a result, there is populism and left protest in the core of the world system and a series of armed conflicts on the periphery [1. P. 50-55].
Their reaction to the legitimate activities of competitors is also indicative. Economic sanctions as a “humane” (without bloodshed) tool of struggle, which is increasingly resorted to by the bureaucrats in Brussels and Washington. The orthodox of the “soft power”, similar to the sanctions in this case, consider it almost a universal means of regulating relations with intractable partners. Issuers of the dollar and the Euro are not at all embarrassed by foreign economic initiatives that look extremely egocentric and undermine their own business reputation. For example, the Treaty on the North American Free Trade Zone (NAFTA), which came into force on 1.01.1994, dictated from Washington, caused an armed uprising of the Zapatistan National Liberation Army (SANO) in the Mexican state of Chiapas [23. С. 41]. It was the reaction of Mexicans to the sharp fall of the peso, the ruin of small producers and the increasing dependence on the US market. After the armed uprising, the currency crisis was overcome with the help of an emergency loan from the IMF, actually imposed on Mexico under the US pressure [30].
Americans do not absolutize "soft power" and willingly resort to traditional violence, or combine both technologies of direct and indirect impact on competitors [21]. When they deal with equal opponents or opponents with a comparable military potential, they attack in a coalition and when they deal with weak rivals they act on their own. The USA demonstrates a textbook example of unfair competition in the development of the European hydrocarbon market. Under the false pretext of protecting Ukraine's geopolitical interests in the Azov-Black Sea region (?!), the United States invaded the Eurasian world system, encroaching on the historical role of Russia as an integration center. At the same time, they declare Moscow an illegitimate partner of the EU and instead of its Arctic oil and gas impose its own energy carriers to consumers in the Old World (with prices 30% higher than Russian)! The long military-energy campaign is accompanied by a powerful information expansion, parliamentary demarches of the global hegemon's clients, economic sanctions, provocative actions of the armed forces of the Kiev regime, its allied fleets and the air force from the North Atlantic Alliance near the Russian borders.
Such a foreign policy of the United States deprives the world economy of the main stabilizing element of the system (according to Wallerstein) – the optimism of the oppressed [27. P. 226]… Despite the fact that it is the deprived “majority” that remains the sponsor of the Golden Billion. For example, more than 80 percent of the non-parity trade turnover of the total African economy falls on the West [31]. As a result, it undermines the competitiveness of the continent, affects the level and quality of life of the indigenous population of the African Union and provokes its migration to the developed countries. An indirect sign of unequal exchange is the integral criterion of development, such as the average life expectancy of the Africans that lags behind European indicators by 18-20 years. Nobody considers seriously indirect losses of the Black continent from the unequal exchange, as well as the failure of the world relations of a kernel and periphery.
By all appearances, the world-system has entered a transitional period, and the EU right and left, the neocons and the US liberals decided to exploit the situation of increasing chaos (the italics are ours) to ensure the dominance of their values in the new coordinate system, which probably will finally take shape after the resolution of the current systemic crisis.
I. Wallerstein, exploring the relations of the periphery with the centers of the world systems of capitalism, focused mainly on market relations with the leading wingmen, leaving aside the derivative – the conflict of unequal exchange and cooperation... His ideological inspirer and forerunner, the French researcher Fernand Braudel very quickly responded to it. The leader of the historical school “Annals” said: "If we forget about the role of war (we note: the investigation of any conflict of irreconcilable interests), we immediately erase the entire social, political and cultural (religious) landscape” [6]. Consequently, wars are not only the quintessence of imperfect international politics, which has collided in the antagonistic struggle of the state or alliances of countries, but at the same time a systematic indicator of the missed advantages of the peaceful coexistence of civilizations.
In this regard, it is impossible not to recall the Soviet military theorist, doctor of philosophy Lieutenant General V.V. Serebryannikov who, knowing about wars and conflicts firsthand, preferred in international relations not military, but diplomatic, bloodless arsenal [20]. The dialogue is a promising form of extreme (in the context of conflictology) communications. The dialogue is a constructive component of the coexistence of multidirectional interests of subjects of international law that makes it possible to find compromise, alternative options for cooperation, thereby removing the threat of a new world war.
Statistics of conflict in Africa overshadows the fact that the periphery (according to I. Wallerstein) free from the dictates of external factors is able to demonstrate good will in the sphere of demilitarization of international politics. Suffice it to recall the initiatives of 1996 on the denuclearization of the African continent [9]. Voluntary renunciation by South Africa of the status of the nuclear power causes legitimate respect around the world. That, of course, reduces the threshold of military threats in the vast region. True, the nuclear powers are present in Africa to some extent, considering it as a strategic reserve space, some as consumers of natural resources for the needs of their own defense industry, others as tenants on the territories of military bases and service points of fleets and long-range aviation, tools of global control and management.
An eloquent detail. Essayist J. Hasse wrote: “In the prewar years, America exported to the Old World only ragtime, a finished musical product, the forerunner of jazz” [12. P. 29-32, 80-83]. Yes, but to the rest of the world periphery Uncle Sam, acting from the reclaimed Indian lands, directed the energy of expansion and aggression... It will require a separate classification of conflicts of different intensity and geography of military expeditions involving the United States in the global projection of force [4].
The US activities in the least protected areas and territories of the Black Continent deserve special attention of conflict analysts. From the point of view of the Pentagon strategists, it is terra nullius, no man's land. America is the only country that allowed itself (contrary to international law!) to establish AFROCOM, a strategic command aimed at operations in Africa with headquarters in Germany (3) under the false pretext of the struggle against the Beijing hegemony and the growing influence of Moscow (4).
First, the subsequent classification of conflicts on the African continent is not possible without taking into account the impact of external actors. Second, their scale is predominantly regional. Third, the ethno-religious component of the conflicts is really significant and gives the armed conflict the colorful markings. We are talking about significant historical periods in the development of Africa. Namely:
1) conflicts of the slave trade period (XV-XIX centuries);
2) conflicts of the period of colonialism (XIX-XX centuries);
3) conflicts of the period of the national liberation struggle (the end of XIX- mid 70-ies of XX centuries):
(a) armed confrontation between colonies and metropolises;
b) intra-African (with explicit and implicit participation of a "third party") border, ethno-political and religious clashes;
4) conflicts of the “cold war” period (1945-1991 гг.);
5) regional anti-terrorist (anti-piracy) campaigns with the participation of the joint armed units of the African Union (1991‒ present time);
6) hybrid conflicts [19. P. 107-117] of the new technological structure (2000 ‒ present time).
Some coincidence in the dating we found in I. Wallerstein. The scientist begins the countdown of the expansion of capitalist world economy (CWE) on the peripheral areas since the turn of the years 1450-1520, indicating to the peak periods in 1620-1660; 1750-1815; 1880-1900. The core and the periphery emerged between the first and the last date, “the essence of links of the vertical integration of the commodity chain” [26. P. 50]. The struggle of TNCs and national economies for the ownership of this chain continues with the most sophisticated new technologies of “direct” and “indirect” actions both within the civilizational cores and on the periphery of their cross-border interests.
To restore the full picture of events in Africa and assess the prospects of the long-term struggle with the consequences of the enslavement of the continent, the researchers should look into the secret files of the headquarters of Western expansion. The Africanists should study this specific body of information not for purely academic interest. Knowledge of the technology of subversive activities against the African state will contribute, firstly, to the explanation of the self-interests of external actors present on the continent; secondly, it will encourage the development of countermeasures against the psychological and ideological sabotage conducted by TNC structures, representatives of special services seconded to the diplomatic missions of foreign states, illegal emissaries embedded in non-governmental and international organizations, agents working under the guise of research grants and educational projects in African universities [18. P. 152-163]. And thirdly, it will protect the national and interstate integration projects of the African Union and the creative process as a whole.
However, even without the FBI and the CIA archives, the Africanists, using the non-classified world-system analysis of I. Wallerstein, should formulate the research questions and the problem of protection, the revival of the periphery. More precisely, the original civilization, the development of which has long been hampered and declared an outsider of progress.
NOTES:
(1) The precariat (from Eng. precarious – unreliable) is a social layer, which, according to the British researcher G. Standing, is steadily growing numerically and includes more and more countries and forms of social life (temporary migrant workers, interns, freelancers, workers of cultural industries). Precariat is a product of neoliberalism, coexisting with a flexible labor market, which allows you to quickly change the size of wages (especially downward) and data on the level of employment.
(2) For the first time in Europe, the African slave market was opened by the Portuguese in 1441. According to some reports, as back as 800 A.D. there were three routes of slave trade from Africa to the rest of the world: through the Sahara, through the Red Sea and across the Indian ocean. The most dense flow of human cargo was formed by the Europeans starting from the XV century, they exported slaves across the Atlantic ocean to their colonies in the New World. During the XV-XVIII centuries about 12 million African slaves were delivered from the continent to America and Europe. In total, Africa was forcibly deprived of 18 million people. See: Natural experiments in history / Translation from English edited by D. Diamond and D. Robinson. М.: АСТ Publishing House, 2018. P. 187.
(3) AFRICOM is the inter-service command of the Pentagon, created on October 1, 2008. The area of responsibility covers (excluding Egypt) the African continent and the adjacent islands. The permanent headquarters is located in Stuttgart (Germany). According to the open press, Africa has an extensive intelligence, technical and intelligence network. There are air bases in Burkina Faso, Uganda, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Kenya and Seychelles. Aircrafts equipped with video cameras, infrared sensors and radio interception devices are used for tracking. The Pentagon intends to deploy a mechanized brigade of more than 3 thousand people. Currently present on the continent commandos (more than 1,700 people) allow the United States to conduct up to 100 missions at the same time, including, for example, the protection of rare earth material developments in Congo, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Central African Republic. See: https://fishki.net/2328000-mirovaja-bitva-za-redkozemelynye-metally.html.
(4) According to the press, seven countries, including African are ready to place military bases of Russia, skilled in deterring “color revolutions” and coups d'état and restoration of historical justice in the near and far abroad countries. See: https://zen.yandex.ru/media/crimea_pro/7-stran-mira-gotovye-razmestit-u-sebia-voennye-bazy-rossii-v-liuboe-vremia-c262e8bd67b3300aacbeac0.
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PASHCHENKO L.V. Russia's National Interests in the Arctic and the Problems of their Implementation
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2019.32.2.009
L.V. PASHCHENKO Candidate of Sciences (philosophy), Associate Professor at the Chair of history and law, Murmansk Arctic State University, Murmansk, Russia
RUSSIA'S NATIONAL INTERESTS IN THE ARCTIC AND THE PROBLEMS OF THEIR IMPLEMENTATION
Based on the analysis of the conceptual documents of the Russian Federation the article determines Russia’s national interests in the Arctic, as well as the problems of their implementations. The importance of the Arctic zone for the strategic development of Russia is determined primarily by the natural resource potential that forms the basis for the country’s sustainable development. Along with the resource potential, of particular importance is the use of the possibilities of the Northern Sea Route (NSR) as a national transport highway. The special status of the Arctic is determined also by the geopolitical factor, the need to ensure the country’s military security. At the present stage, the leadership of the country have taken serious steps to implement the planned national projects, however, along with the successes the author notes negative trends related to the worsening of the demographic situation in the region, growing shortage of professional staff and insufficient funding.
Key words: the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation, national interests, region, Arctic, Northern Sea Route, transport hub.
The formation of the national interests of the state is a long process in which many generations of citizens participate. Various scientific schools have been formed in modern political science for the study of this category in historical, political and philosophical aspects. However, the interpretation of the content of the concept of “national interests” remains controversial and difficult to precise.
A great contribution to the study of national interests has been made by representatives of foreign science, we would like to note the contribution of such scientists as G. Morgenthau, R. Nibur, J. Rosenau, W. Lippman and K. Waltz. In the Russian scientific discourse, this problem started to be actively developed only in the 90-ies of the XX century. Theoretical discussions on the interpretation of the nature and content of this concept continue. The formation of interests and public awareness of them as vital are influenced by many different factors that are both internal and external. The most important among them are: the international environment of the country, the national power of the state, the level of science and technology, as well as the level of knowledge. When considering the international factor, it is necessary to pay attention to such aspects as:
– geopolitical position;
– the presence of a military threat to the nation;
– availability of reliable allies ready to support it at the international level;
– the level of economic restrictions that can be applied against the country by the international community.
The category of national interests is abstract and subjective because of the vagueness of the language and the multiplicity of criteria for determining a particular interest. If we consider all of the above factors, then undoubtedly the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation (the Russian Arctic) occupies a special place in the system of ensuring the strategic national interests of our country in the field of economy and infrastructure, defense, geopolitics and environmental protection. The Russian Arctic has an area of about 9 million square km, it is home to more than 2.5 million people, which is less than 2% of the country's population and about 40% of the population of the entire Arctic. At the same time 12 to 15% of the country's GDP is created in the Russian Arctic and about a quarter of Russia's exports originate from here.
Many research works are devoted to the resource base of the Arctic, both in domestic and foreign scientific literature. It should also be noted that estimates of the Arctic's resource potential vary widely and continue to be reviewed and updated. E.A. Telegina notes in the article “Resources of the Arctic region: prospects and problems of their development” notes that 11 large oil and gas fields have been discovered in the Arctic seas of the Russian Federation, 45 fields have been discovered on the shelves of the Russian Federation, among them 6 unique fields, reserves of each of which exceed 500 million tons [7. P. 40-41]. A group of American researchers led by D. Gautier presented the results of the study, which reads that “the Arctic contains 83 billion barrels of undiscovered oil reserves (about 10 billion tons), which is about 4% of the world's proven oil reserves, as well as 1550 trillion cubic meters of gas [5]”.
However, along with hydrocarbon reserves and a variety of natural resources, the Arctic is extremely rich in marine bioresources and unique fauna. Undoubtedly, the key national interests in the Arctic should include the use of the Northern sea route (NSR) as a national transport highway.
Russia for many centuries in the harsh climatic conditions has been developing and inhabiting the Arctic area. Today, Russian North is inhabited by representatives of various ethnic groups, along with the Russian population, there are numerous small nations: Chukchi, Komi, Sami, Veps, Karelians, Yakuts, Nenets and others. The close interweaving of many ethnic groups and their cohabitation led to the formation of the original culture of the peoples of the Russian North, which is reflected in their myths, fairy tales, folklore and unique wooden architecture.
Active development of the Arctic territories for industrial and military purposes took place in the Soviet period. However, after the collapse of the USSR, in the 90s the country's leading position in the Arctic was lost, and the policy that was waged at that period experts assess as a failure. A new wave of activation of the Russian Arctic policy began in the 2000s. Two expeditions organized by the Arctic and Antarctic research Institute of Roshydromet became significant events testifying to the “return” of Russia to the Arctic. As a result of the Arctic-2000 expedition it was found that the underwater ridges of Lomonosov and Mendeleev are an extension of the continent and the Arctic continental shelf of Russia is by 1.2 million square km. bigger than it had been estimated previously [8. P. 87]. Then, during the high-latitude Arctic-2007 expedition deep-sea manned vehicles MIR-1 and MIR-2 plunged to the bottom of the Arctic Ocean and set the flag of Russia there. These actions of Russia caused discontent on the part of other Arctic countries and served as a catalyst for the revision of the role and importance of the Arctic spaces, and opened a new stage in the development of Arctic international cooperation.
Due to the growing role of the region and the unfolding competition between the circumpolar States, there was a need to improve the state policy of development of the Russian Arctic. Over the past decade, the country's leadership has adopted a number of conceptual documents that clearly identify the national interests of the Russian Federation in the Arctic and outline ways to implement them.
“Fundamentals of the state policy of the Russian Federation in the Arctic for the period up to 2020 and beyond” is among the fundamental strategic national documents. In 2013-2014, two very important documents were adopted: “Strategy for the development of the Arctic zone and national security until 2020” [6] and the state program of "Socio-economic development of the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation for the period up to 2020", which laid the basis for the development of the Russian Arctic. In the above documents, the leadership of the country identified priority areas of the development of the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation, including:
– complex socio-economic development of the Russian Arctic zone;
– development of science and technology;
– creation of modern information and telecommunication infrastructure;
– ensuring environmental safety;
– international cooperation in the Arctic;
– ensuring military security, protection and defense of the state border of the Russian Federation in the Arctic [4].
According to the government's plans, by 2020 the Arctic should become the “leading strategic resource base” of the country [4]. An important step towards the implementation of the adopted strategies was the identification of a list of priority projects to be implemented in the Russian Arctic in the long and short term periods [2]. 145 projects were included in this list, the priority direction of development is the extraction and processing of minerals, as well as projects aimed at the development of transport infrastructure. The most capital-intensive and large-scale transport projects are the creation of the "Northern latitudinal route", the Murmansk transport hub, as well as the construction of the seaport in Sabetta, 30% of which should be implemented in the Yamal-Nenets Autonomous district , more than 10% – in the Murmansk region and more than 6% – in the Arkhangelsk region [2].
Along with the formation of the conceptual framework for the development of the Russian Arctic, we can note a number of successful practical steps to implement it. Even in the context of changing conditions associated with the fall in the energy prices and sanctions policy, the country leadership is consistent in implementing the planned socio-economic projects. The most ambitious project is Yamal LNG, which involves the construction of three lines of a liquefied natural gas (LNG) plant with a total capacity of 16.5 million tons per year on the resource base of the South Tambeyskoye field. In 2018, ahead of schedule, the Yamal LNG plant, which became the largest producer of liquefied gas in Russia, was brought to full capacity. A modern Sabetta international airport was put into operation, which can take almost all types of aircraft, as well as a seaport.
It should be noted that the international project Yamal LNG is unique in its complexity due to work in the Arctic, its technology and the need to comply with environmental standards. In addition to foreign partners, about 700 domestic enterprises from 60 regions of Russia took part in its implementation. Forecasts of skeptics who argued that under the current price situation the payback period of Yamal LNG would increase significantly did not materialize.
According to the head of NOVATEK L. Michelson, “the payback of the project is good” facilitated by the current prices in the Asian LNG market. The first results are positive, so “the implementation of the Yamal LNG project gives 0.12% growth to the entire GDP of the country and will increase the markets for liquefied natural gas [9].”
The implementation of such a large-scale project as Yamal LNG in the Arctic became possible only under the condition of joint responsible international cooperation of many countries and it is a proof of the inefficiency of the sanctions policy.
In recent years, much has been done in terms of the modernization of transport infrastructure, as without the creation of modern transport corridors, it is impossible to ensure the sustainable development of the Russian Arctic zone. The implementation of an important project for the development of the Russian North – Murmansk transport hub continues, it will create a year-round deep-sea port on the West Bank of the Kola Bay for the processing of oil cargo and transshipment of coal, integrated into the North-South international transport corridor. According to official data, “a third of the work for the construction of the Murmansk transport hub has been completed” [3]. The volume of cargo transported via the Northern Sea Route increased by 80% in 2018 in comparison to 2017 [1].
However, despite the huge efforts made by Russia for the integrated socio-economic development of AZ, it is necessary to point out to a number of problems that are solved slowly and inefficiently.
1. Currently, there are more than 500 normative legal acts regulating legal relations in the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation, but in many ways they contradict each other, they are fragmentary and do not correspond to the realities of the time. Experts note the need to adopt a new special, system-forming, inter-sectoral, comprehensive Federal Law “On the development of the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation”. However, the draft law is still not adopted and is being finalized.
2. The demographic situation in the Russian North is of serious concern, there is a decline in the number of working-age population and its outflow to more prosperous regions of Russia continues. There has been a steady trend of outflow of young people from the region, which in the near future will lead to a shortage of specialized personnel.
3. There are still problems of technological nature, including economic and technological backwardness of the Northern regions, deterioration of transport infrastructure, insufficient financing of priority projects.
The piling problems increase the political uncertainty in both the medium and long term periods. In order to realize Russia's national interests in the Arctic, we believe it is necessary first of all to create favorable conditions for the life and welfare of the residents of the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation and to strengthen the scientific and technological potential of regional universities engaged in the training of specialists for work in the Far North.
Impressive, the presence of the Russian Federation in the Arctic are causing some countries, the desire to revise the existing system of agreements and limit the ability of Arctic Russia, which is manifested in the attempts of internationalization of SMEs, the redistribution of offshore borders. The absence of reliable allies in the region in Russia requires the search and mobilization of domestic resources for its development and implementation of priority national projects. Economic development of the Arctic zone of Russia is a necessity for sustainable development and security of our state.
REFERENCES:
1. Northern Sea Route sees more than 80 percent increase in goods shipped so far this year // https://www.arctictoday.com/northern-sea-route-sees-80-percent-increase-goods-shipped-far-year/.
2. O perechne prioritetnykh proyektov, realizuyemykh na territorii Arkticheskoy zony Rossiyskoy Federatsii [On the list of priority projects implemented in the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation and measures to ensure them] (official document: Ministry of economic development of the Russian Federation 19.05.2016 № 14605-АTs/D29i). State Commission on Development of the Arctic. 2016 (In Russ.).
3. Ofitsial'nyy portal Pravitel'stva Murmanskoy oblasti [Official portal of the Government of the Murmansk region] // https://gov-murman.ru/info/bylo-stalo/260742/ (In Russ.).
4. Osnovy gosudarstvennoy politiki Rossiyskoy Federatsii v Arktike na period do 2020 goda i dal'neyshuyu perspektivu [Fundamentals of the state policy of the Russian Federation in the Arctic for the period up to 2020 and beyond] (official document: approved by the President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev) // http://government.ru/info/18360/ (In Russ.).
5. RIA Novosti // https://ria.ru/eco/20090529/172641461.html.
6. Strategiya razvitiya Arkticheskoy zony Rossiyskoy Federatsii i obespecheniya natsional'noy bezopasnosti na period do 2020 g. [Strategy for the development of the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation and national security for the period up to 2020]. (Official document: approved by the President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin) // http:legalacts.ru/doc/strategija-razvitija-arkticheskoi-zony-rossiiskoi-federatsii-i/ (In Russ.).
7. Telegina E.A. Resursy Arkticheskogo regiona perspektivy i problemy ikh osvoyeniya [Resources of the Arctic region prospects and problems of their development] // Arctic: zone of peace and cooperation / Executive editor A.V. Zagorskiy. М.: IMEMO RAS, 2011 (In Russ.).
8. Zhiltsov S.S. Evolyutsiya politiki Rossii v Arktike [Evolution of Russian policy in the Arctic] / Zhiltsov S.S., Zonn I.S. // Bulletin of Moscow University named S.U. Vitte. Series 1: Economics and management. 2015. No. 3 (14) (In Russ.).
9. fedpress.ru/news/89/policy/2027141.
MARTYNENKO Е.V., PENZINA А.I. Analysis of the Role of the US Printed Media in the Information War Between the USA and Russia
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2019.32.2.008
Е.V. MARTYNENKO Doctor of Sciences (political sciences), Professor at the Chair of theory and history of journalism, Peoples' Friendship University of Russia, Moscow, Russia
А.I. PENZINA Post-graduate working for the Master’s degree at the Chair of theory and history of journalism, Peoples' Friendship University of Russia, Moscow, Russia
ANALYSIS OF THE ROLE OF THE US PRINTED MEDIA IN THE INFORMATION WAR BETWEEN THE USA AND RUSSIA
The article is devoted to the consideration of methods and ways of conducting information war by the US media against the Russian Federation over the past few years. On the example of publications about President Donald Trump’s links with Russia, it’s possible to trace a traditional tendency to use the image of Russia as the main adversary (the so-called “enemy image”), which undermines the interests of American democracy. Under pressure from representatives of political elites and lobbyists, the US media systematically form a negative image of Russia, hindering the development of positive diplomatic, economic and political relations between the two strongest countries in the world. The authors of the study used the system-analytical method, the method of analogies, the method of content analysis and the historical-analytical method.
Key words: USA, Russia, information, Trump, cooperation.
Twelve years ago, the newspaper The New York Times (“New York Times”) of 10.21.2007 published an article entitled “What`s russian for `hacker'?” by Clifford Levy, journalist and chef of the New York Times Moscow bureau, who lived and worked in Russia from 2007 to 2011. In his article, Clifford Levy wrote: “Russia has become a leading source of Internet ills, home to legions of high-tech rogues who operate with seeming impunity from the anonymous living rooms of Novosibirsk or the shadowy cybercafes of St. Petersburg) [3. P. 4]”.
The journalist with full confidence declared a threat to the Internet space coming from Russian users. The only argument is the fame of the Russian system of teaching exact sciences and mathematics, as well as the indisputable conviction that only dishonest people and fraudsters live in Russia.
Among other things, other countries in the post-Soviet space from the Czech Republic to Ukraine and Kazakhstan were also named “Internet hacks.”
“Internet security experts say that only the United States and China rival Russia in hacker activity. But Russia has only 28 million Internet users, according to rough estimates, compared with 210 million in the United States and 150 million in China, meaning that Russia has a higher percentage of scammers,” [3. P. 4] the journalist wrote.
It remains to be concluded that the above article, published in the well-known quality publication The New York Times, can be considered the starting point of the process of disseminating views about cyber attacks by “Russian hackers.” However, in 2007, journalists considered Russian hackers to be a kind of a layer independent from the government, which acts of “heroic” motivation and ruins the lives of world companies. Today, we see a completely different situation, examples of which are also found in the US press, actively promoting this point of view.
The 2016 presidential elections in the United States traditionally became a point of hard confrontation between the Republicans and the Democrats. When the interests of the two parties and two candidates collide, practically any method of increasing own popularity and denigrating the opponent in the framework of the election campaign is used. The election campaign of candidates Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton became the most talked about all over the world, even among the ordinary citizens.
According to the election results, the Republican candidate Donald Trump won. This event was, to say the least, shocking for many voters and caused a huge number of protests of the American population. Representatives of the Democratic Party led by Hillary Clinton could not come to terms with the defeat. Press publications about the election fraud and the interference of Russia and its government began to appear more and more often. In this situation, the American media recalled the concept of “Russian hackers”, that had been forgotten until then, united it with the activities of the Russian government in order to once again find the detested country guilty.
In May 2016, representatives of the US Democratic Party announced that their mail servers had been hacked and turned to CrowdsStrike, an IT company, headed by Dmitry Alperovich, a native of Russia, whose companies in a year gained world fame [1].
Following the investigation, Dmitry Alperovich’s company provided a report that indicated that Russian special services: the FSB (Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation) and the GRU (General Directorate of the General Staff The Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, better known by its former name: Main Intelligence Directorate) were responsible for hacking the mail servers of the party fellows of the US Presidential candidate Hillary Clinton.
The findings of CrowdStrike were subsequently repeatedly referred to by the officials and journalists who were happy to pick up the idea of finding the culprits. At the same time, apart from the company's employees, no one worked with the Democratic Party computers (including the US special services).
However, it soon became clear that the data provided by CrowdStrike cannot be considered reliable. According to the American expert Jeffrey Carr, author of the book "Cyberwar from the Inside," CrowdStrike “became known to a greater extent not through their reports, which can only be called caricature” [1].
Russian information security expert Alexei Lukatsky in an interview with Kommersant noted that initially many experts both in Russia and in the West were surprised by “the manicism with which the company founded by former Muscovite Dmitry Alperovich accused Russia of attacking the US resources” [1].
Taking the idea of intervention by Russian hackers, sponsored by the government and special services of Russia, the US media filled the information space with publications about President Donald Trump's links with Russia. Donald Trump himself was also attacked by both the press, the American Congress and even a certain number of voters.
An article by journalist Michael McFaul in The Washington Post confirms the position of the American media about the full confidence of the society and the authorities about Russia's intervention in the US presidential election and their view of this fact as a violation of sovereignty. “As FBI Director James B. Comey described on Monday (20.03.2017), the Russians ‘were unusually loud in their intervention,’ violating our sovereignty by meddling in one of our most sacred acts as a democracy and not seeming to care if they were exposed. The Russian theft and then publication of private data from the Democratic National Committee and Clinton campaign chairman John Podesta produced a significant impact on our electoral process. Clinton’s image was damaged continuously by daily media coverage of these stolen emails. Of course, many factors combined to produce Trump’s victory, but Putin’s intervention most certainly played a contributing role [7].”
Again, Russia and the government, headed by President Vladimir Putin, are accused of interfering and waging hacking attacks on the American presidential elections, without presenting any evidence of criminal activity or vote rigging. Like ten years ago, the main tactics are unsubstantiated accusations. US media actively and repeatedly express the same thoughts and come out with outright insinuations. This method has repeatedly brought its results, and the press has repeatedly become a weapon in the hands of the American authorities.
Especially surprising are the articles in such high-quality publications as The Washington Post, The New York Times and other oldest newspapers with a rich history, that once proclaimed a course of serving people and cited the right of all citizens to receive reliable information. In fact, these publications are losing their objectivity and are being transformed into global tabloids.
Journalist Kent Harrington in his article for Project Syndicate also categorically declared that the Russian government intervened in the US presidential election, but described it as from another side of the issue: vulnerability of the US citizens to external media manifestations.
“Russian President Vladimir Putin’s intelligence operatives chose wisely in mounting their social media attack. Facebook hosts nearly 80% of all mobile social media traffic, while Google accounts for close to 90% of all online-search-related advertising. By inundating these two platforms with automated messages from tens of thousands of bogus user accounts, Russia was able to stoke discord along economic, racial, and political lines [6]”.
“Still, Russia’s success in targeting American voters with bogus news could not have succeeded were it not for the second problem: a poorly educated electorate susceptible to manipulation. The erosion of civics education in schools, the shuttering of local newspapers – and the consequent decline in the public’s understanding of issues and the political process – conspire to create fertile ground for the sowing of disinformation [6]”.
The author of the article says that the intervention of the Russian government headed by President Vladimir Putin in the 2016 elections is a historic event for the American democratic system. But it is also emphasized that such event is a symptom of more serious problems in America, whose society does not fully understand its own political system. The problem, according to Kent Harrington, lies in the uneducated generation of the young electorate, who is most affected by social networks and who completely lacks understanding of the fundamentals of citizenship.
The new president of the United States, Donald Trump, who does not want to acknowledge the press statements about Russia's intervention, is also under attack from the media and ordinary Americans. Jennifer Rubin in his article for The Washington Post calls President an “easy prey for Russia”. “President Trump’s authoritarianism, narcissism and racism threaten our democracy, but his gullibility threatens our national security. A man so uneducated and incurious about the world is willing, like his followers, to buy any crackpot conspiracy theory that makes its way to him via the Infowars... On the world stage, that makes him a sitting duck for slick manipulators and experienced flatterers [5]”.
Jennifer Rubin repeats Charles M.Blow in his article “Siding with the Enemy” for The New York Times. “The truth here is that we are seeing in real time how the president’s personal paranoia impedes our national policy and our national interests. The uncomfortable fact here is that Trump is pursuing his own interest, not American interests. And, on the question of Russia attacking our elections, Trump and Putin’s interest align against the facts and against America. That alone is beyond inexcusable. Trump is betraying this country by trying to curry favor with his new comrade [2]”.
The flow of information (or rather, misinformation) about Russia's “interference” in the presidential election has been going on since the end of 2016. For nearly three years, US officials have spoken on this topic through the media, without finding objective arguments, much less evidence. One can recall the events in South Ossetia in 2008, the events in Ukraine since 2014, and even the years of the Cold War, when typical US methods of waging information wars were visible. As in the Cold War years, the media is assigned the main role in shaping the image of the enemy in the eyes of the public. But today the influence of the media has become even more significant, after all, given the rapid development of the information technologies, information, regardless of its quality, can spread to the entire globe in a matter of minutes. And when the end users of information have to deal with a deliberately low-quality product in the form of political propaganda or outright disinformation, this extremely negatively affects public opinion in general and international communication in particular.
Continuing the topic of international relations, it should be noted that since 1917, Russian-American relations have always been strained, if not difficult. Russia and the United States are two great (nuclear) powers trying to find something in common despite a radically different approach to most issues on the international agenda. Different mentalities, views on politics, and especially on democracy. For representatives of the authorities of the two countries, it has become customary to argue about various issues that arise, to abandon the search for mutually beneficial solutions, to be in constant confrontation and completely avoid cooperation. And if Russia is trying to come to a common denominator and find common ground for mutual interests based on the principles of equality in relations, such approach is unacceptable for the United States.
It is therefore not surprising that the American political elite did not accept the new president Donald Trump (again choosing the method of accusations and false conclusions), who repeatedly pointed out to the need to restore cooperation with Russia. In addition to the information about “Russia’s aggression,” which is so popular in the media engaged in nothing more than tricking the audience, information about Trump administration’s and President’s personal collusion with the Russian government to achieve victory in the elections has been actively promoted.
Like any information about Russia, advantageous to the political elite of the United States, facts usually play no role in it; only repeatition of allegations is important.
The official line was quite predictable, it was only necessary to introduce it in the media: the Russian government headed by President Vladimir Putin ensured Trump's victory in the elections. As always, everything connected with Russia had the effect of a bombshell. A huge number of publications in the press and the Internet, mass insanity on the issue of Russian threat and undermining of the sovereignty of the United States. All this was done in order to divert attention from the really important problems.
What really surprises the authors is that Russia is accused of what the United States has been doing for a long time and much more actively, it’s enough to recall at least the events in Iraq, Libya and even earlier – in Yugoslavia.
Since Donald Trump during the election campaign advocated the development of good relations with Russia, media representatives found him to be a hidden enemy acting in the interests of the enemy side, who must be eradicated. However, it is possible to read between the lines that the flow of information on the interference in the presidential elections and on the threat to US democracy hides the following facts: positive diplomatic relations with Russia can stop the profitable war launched against it and also deprive the United States of the possibility of maintaining its military superiority.
It can be noted that it was after the defeat of the Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton that the media actively promoted the line of intervention of the Russian government and the “Russian hackers” in the 2016 presidential elections. Hillary Clinton explained her defeat in the book “What happened” by the machinations of Russia as the enemy [4]. The American media, in turn, saw this as a gold mine that can be used beyond the defeat of Hillary Clinton in the presidential election.
The other side of the role of the US media is that today they have lost their competitiveness due to the growing popularity of social networks and Internet publications. The once-powerful press propaganda system has fallen into disrepair. And the topic of Russia's interference in presidential elections and fake news on Facebook gave the media new opportunities with the help of which the press regained a significant market share and renewed popularity.
With the growth of the number of subscribers, the United States media continued to popularize the idea of hacker attacks from Russia, connections of the president’s closest circle with Russian citizens, etc. The image of the country as an enemy of American democracy continues to be used as a pretext for new war crimes and aggression by the United States and NATO.
After the support and accession of the Russian-speaking region of Crimea, Russia's participation in supporting Syria, the media in every way used the line of “Russian aggression,” which can be used repeatedly. This line is very suitable also for describing the intervention in the US election. Accusations against Russia help to destroy every Russian-American peace initiative. The most obvious examples are the unilateral withdrawal of the United States from the INF, ABM Treaty and the discussions that have already begun in the United States about the non-renewal of START-3. Nobody asks about facts or evidence. They are not needed in order to blame anyone of treason (even the US President himself), who at least maintains contacts with Russian officials in the framework of peaceful initiatives and cooperation. It is surprising that few people ask the logical question: who benefits?
One of the negative manifestations of such situation as a whole is the fact that Russia is becoming an enemy not only for the American continent. Russia is accused of interfering in the elections in Europe and surprisingly Russia's participation in the 2017 Catalan events is not discussed.
Russia as the enemy is the main topic of informational strategy distracting the attention of the world community from the real problems of not only America, but the entire global community.
Information wars that are conducted on a par with armed international conflicts undermine all modern pillars of international law and civilized society. Methods of information wars, aimed at the mass consciousness, harm international relations and destroy any manifestations of cooperation between countries. It upsets that the media are a weapon in the hands of the ruling elites of the states, and do not defend the ordinary citizens. By filling the information space with falsified, unsubstantiated news and publications, the media undermine the trust of the mass audience and fail to fulfill its main function: the provision of reliable information guiding the audience in a changing reality. One can to the opinion that representatives of the mass media have forgotten about the right of the citizens to receive true and truthful information, and that this right is one of the basic human rights. This is not the last example of the negative role of the media in the international processes, which reflect even more negative tendencies: corruption of modern media, incompetence of the journalists, inability to objectively evaluate the situation and so on. It remains to hope for positive changes, which, according to the authors, are still very long to wait for if the current trends maintain.
REFERENCES:
1. Chernenko E. Kto skazal, chto server krayniy [Who said that the server is extreme] // https://www.kommersant.ru/doc/3254710 (In Russ.).
2. Charles M. Blow. Siding with the enemy // https://www.nytimes.com/2017/11/12/opinion/trump-putin-russia.html.
3. Clifford J. Levy. What`s russian for «hacker»? // The New York Times. 21 of October, 2007.
4. Clinton R. Hillary. What happened. USA: Simon and Schuster, 2017.
5. Jennifer Rubin. Russia’s mark: A dangerous fool for a president // https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/right-turn/wp/2017/11/12/russias-mark-a-dangerous-fool-for-a-president/?tid=pm_opinions_pop&utm_term=.48dfc8646419.
6. Kent Harrington. How Americans Became Vulnerable to Russian Disinformation // https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/russia-social-media-election-interference-by-kent-harrington-2017-11?a_la=english&a_d=5a01d39878b6c748887c6feb&a_m=&a_a=click&a_s=&a_p=%2Farchive&a_li=russia-social-media-election-interference-by-kent-harrington-2017-11&a_pa=&a_ps.
7. Michael McFaul. The real winner of the House Intelligence Committee hearing on Russia // https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/global-opinions/wp/2017/03/23/the-winner-of-the-house-intelligence-committee-hearing-on-russia-vladimir-putin/?utm_term=.bb87e56ed934.
KARADZE Т.V., TOMBU D.V. Problems and Contradictions of Migration Policy in Modern Europe
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2019.32.2.007
Т.V. KARADZE Doctor of Sciences (philosophy), Professor, Head of the Chair of political science, Moscow State Pedagogical University, Moscow, Russia
D.V. TOMBU Candidate of Sciences (political sciences), Assistant Professor at the Chair of political science, Moscow State Pedagogical University, Moscow, Russia
PROBLEMS AND CONTRADICTIONS OF MIGRATION POLICY IN MODERN EUROPE
The article discusses the general trends of the modern migration processes and the features of the European migration policy. The authors consider problems related to the correlation of rights and freedoms of indigenous people and migrants.
Key words: migration processes, migration policy, labor migration, adaptation, internal political split.
“…Migration is a topic that makes almost everyone defend their point of view” [5. P. 12]. It is difficult not to agree with this statement of the famous economist P. Collier. The attitude of people to the problem of migration is determined by many factors, including the economic situation in the country as a whole, the current situation in the labor market, the prevalence of nationalist views, the angle of coverage of this topic in the media, prevailing stereotypes and, of course, personal circumstances and experience gained as a result of contacts with the migrants.
Today migration is an objective, inevitable component of globalization. Like all globalization processes it generates a number of problems, the solution of which is ambiguous in its consequences. One of such problems is the problem of correlation of the rights and freedoms of the indigenous people and those of the migrants.
Based on the definition set out in the European Convention on human rights, migrants are people who move from their country of residence or citizenship to another country. Relocation may be for economic reasons, the desire to be educated, to be saved from natural disasters caused by climate change, or to avoid persecution, human rights violations, threats to life or bodily integrity, war or social unrest [1]. The reasons for their displacement are directly related to the international legal protection guaranteed by the International Convention, which has been ratified by 145 countries. ILO estimates that approximately 90 per cent of migrants are economic migrants and their families and only 8 per cent are refugees and asylum-seekers. Under international law, migration is seen as the realization of inalienable human rights and freedoms. However, as the world experience of recent years shows, an attempt to ensure the realization of the right to freedom of movement simultaneously to tens or even hundreds of thousands of people inevitably entails a violation of the rights of others, both newcomers and indigenous people.
No country in the world can accept an infinite number of visitors. At the same time, uncontrolled migration has serious social, economic and political consequences for all countries involved in the migration process. As for the indigenous population, their discontent is not only related to the economic consequences (“weaning” of potential jobs, payment of benefits to refugees, provision of medical care, provision of municipal housing, sport halls and hospitals for temporary accommodation, fear of new types of infections, etc.). No less irritating is the policy of local authorities, within the framework of multiculturalism, restricting the indigenous population in their manifestation of national or ethnic characteristics.
Today, in some European cities there is a ban on Christmas trees, snowmen or postcards wishing a merry Christmas. The motives of the authors of such bans on the traditional Christian holidays and similar innovations are clear, they wish to reduce the degree of social tension, as the majority of migrants and refugees arriving in Europe profess Islam. However, as practice shows, such extreme forms of political correctness can cause the opposite effect, they strengthen the so-called “everyday Islamophobia.” Unfortunately, recent events in New Zealand confirm this.
Another trend in the development of the modern world, affecting attitudes to the migration processes should be noted. This is not only an increasing social polarization, which manifests itself in the huge gap between the poverty and the wealth, but also an ideological split between the main part of the population and the political and economic elite in their relation to the problem of migration. New contradictions appear between the elites and the masses as a result of globalization of economy and actual transformation of the states into huge markets. If in the 19th and the first half of the 20th centuries, the population consisted of nationalist elites and masses relatively indifferent to nationalism, moreover, gravitating to the ideas of socialism and internationalism, since the end of the 20th century, the situation is changing. Now the privileged class becomes the bearer of the ideology of multiculturalism and post-nationalism and the other layers gravitate to solidarity on a national basis, to the endless, spurred by the media, search for signs of belonging to “our” nation. That is, “now we are dealing with nationalist masses and cosmopolitan elites” [7. P. 78].
Migration policy tends to fluctuate between the “open door policy,” advocated by business structures, and the “closed door policy", which is more attractive to the wider population, guided by the interests of preserving jobs and cultural identity. And if “healthy” nationalism manifests itself in the form of maintaining cultural norms that emphasize the boundaries of collective identity, the “unhealthy” nationalism instantly reacts to any economic deterioration in the country with the growth of anti-migrant sentiments [2. P. 378]. The latter, coupled with the deterioration of the financial situation, accelerates the process of marginalization of migrants, which has a negative impact on the functioning of society as a whole.
In Germany, the initiative of the incumbent Chancellor A. Merkel on the unlimited reception of migrants not only contributed to the fall of her own political authority but also, in fact, split the German society, which until recently was a reliable support for local politicians. The popularity of the party “Alternative for Germany” and PEGIDA movement (Patriotic Europeans against the Islamization of the Old World) is growing. Their supporters, worried about their national identity, put forward the requirements to restrict and tighten the state policy in matters of reception and integration of migrants and refugees [11. P. 100-105].
Similar demands are made by representatives of various parties and movements, including: the National Front party (NF) in France; Five Star Movement in Italy; the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP); People's Party Our Slovakia; the Norwegian Progress Party (NPP), Danish People's Party (DPP), Swedish Democrats (SD); the Finns Party; Swiss People's Party (SPP); Jobbik party in Hungary, Patriotic Front (PF) in Bulgaria, etc.
The actively growing discontent of the indigenous population raises the question of the search for forms and ways of adaptation of different communities and adoption by them of cultural values of the host country. The results of the study of this problem give reasons to identify some problems.
The results of the study show that the bigger is the community, the worse its representatives assimilate, maintaining contacts mainly with their compatriots and distancing from all “alien” cultural norms, which does not contribute to a higher level of trust on the part of the local people. At the same time, the stronger is the community, the bigger is the flow of newcomers, potentially ready to join it. In addition, "modern migrants, unlike their predecessors, do not run away from the danger where their eyes look, but act on the basis of information obtained not only from the media, but also from the formal and informal information networks of ethnic communities that have arisen due to the spread of the Internet and mobile communication” [6. P. 417-420].
In this regard, and in order to prevent the transformation of a closed ethnic community into a pillar of religious fundamentalism, the new European migration policy includes a “package of programs for the adaptation and integration of migrants and their families to a normal life”. However, the experience of this approach led to the abandonment of the policy of adaptation at the end of the last century due to its inefficiency.
The reasons why people (both local population of the host country and migrants) are increasingly trying to emphasize their national, ethnic and religious specificity some authors associate with the contradictions between the principles of cost-effective life and “rational” culture that does not fill a person's life with spiritual meaning and culture of individual groups [3. P. 79-84].
In this regard, the answer to the following legal and ethical question is of great importance in the formation of migration policy strategies: whether migrants are full participants of the cultural dialogue, whose opinion should be respected by the local population and whose inalienable human rights should be ensured by the state, or the priority should be given to the protection of the interests of indigenous people.
It is also not possible to use the international experience in this situation, due to the ambiguity of the decisions taken. This is quite clearly manifested in the solution of the domestic conflict over the dress code. In the spring of 2018, eight countries of the European Union (Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy and Spain) adopted laws prohibiting wearing headwear and clothing covering the face in certain places (primarily traditional Muslim clothing for women). In addition, the European court of justice allowed employers to impose prohibitions on the wearing of hijabs in the workplace. And in 13 EU countries religious clothing is prohibited in some private or public places, including educational institutions. However, in the UK, Norway and Sweden there is no such ban. As there is no tool that would measure the degree of social tension, depending on the permissive or prohibitive ethnic dress code.
One thing is obvious, in the world where visual images and external forms are more important than the essence and content, the brighter and more noticeable are the differences between the cultures of migrants and indigenous people, the lower is the level of trust between them, and the more difficult is the processes of adaptation and assimilation.
The results of the concept of multiculturalism, popular in Europe for a long time, which was based not only on the recognition of the right, but also on the possibility for the migrants to use their native language and maintain their customary cultural norms, proved to be very doubtful. Thus, in Swedish schools migrant children were offered an additional opportunity to preserve and develop their native language, no matter how rare it was. It was believed that only respect for the culture of the newcomers can generate their interest and desire to learn and adopt new rules of the host country. However, the practice has proved failure of both this concept and its opposite form, a “melting pot”. And this is so not only with regard to migrants: the Brussels strategy of “grinding” ethnicity into a single European nation has also proved to be completely untenable.
As for today's migrants in the second and third generations, they show their cultural characteristics demonstratively and violently in contrast to their own parents. For example, migrants from Bangladesh, living in the UK, do not allow their children to eat in school canteens, the menu of which does not include Halal dishes, and their females actively wear burqas. The paradox it is not a custom in their historical homeland. Everything would be much easier if the clash of cultures ended with discussions about “outfits”. The terrorist attacks in Paris were committed by second-and third-generation migrants.
Perhaps one of the reasons for the failure of the “supra-ethnic” or “supranational” concepts of social order is that they are the creation of an industrial society of mass production and mass culture.
The peculiarity of modern migration processes is the merger of several flows: legal, illegal economic migration and refugees. It is obvious that the latter two create the greatest problems.
According to the UN and IOM of 258 million international migrants 78 million, at least, "visited" the EU [8]. Over 1.2 million refugees arrived in the EU in 2015 alone. About 50 000 suspects of involvement in the radical Islamic groups “slip” through the EU countries as a result of the migration “crisis.” 88% of the surveyed migrants admitted that they had been “assisted” by illegal channels of transportation [12].
According to the media of Austria, Switzerland and Germany, during only 2 weeks in March-April 2017, 190 attacks with the use of cold weapons and the participation of migrants were detected and recorded. In Germany, asylum seekers on average commit 15 times more violent crimes, sexual assaults and rapes than Germans (local people and long-term residents with a migration background). In Austria, cases of rape committed by migrants more than doubled in one year [13].
The purpose of this article is not an analysis of criminal statistics, so we have limited ourselves to some impressive indicators. In addition, to date, obtaining objective data reflecting crime among migrants is quite difficult. Thus, according to the European researchers, since 2016 there is a special ban on the placement in police and other information messages of data indicating the number of offenses committed by migrants, as well as clarifications of their ethnicity. And this is perhaps one of the most obvious manifestations of the “taboo” on the topic of migrants.
Referring to the statement of the representative of the Department of Justice of Vienna, the number of “real” Austrians convicted of rape is negligible. There are huge problems with other cultures [13]. In Germany, a regular report by the German Federal criminal police office (Bundeskriminalamt ) shocked the German public. It follows that the number of serious crimes committed by migrants, including murder and rape, increased in 2017 by 30% compared to 2016. In 2017, about 40 thousand Germans were victims of crimes committed by migrants. The report was ignored by the leading media and the government of Germany, in this connection, the party Alternative for Germany accused the authorities of concealing the true scale of crimes committed by migrants. At the same time, the OSCE Office for Human Rights and Democratic Institutions (ODIHR) and the non-governmental organization Human Rights First are conducting studies on acts of violence caused by intolerance and hatred of ethnic minorities and migrants.
The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance regularly publishes factual information on such crimes, as well as relevant recommendations for combating them in its reports [10. P. 55]. This is explained by the fact that the Western human rights organizations traditionally were engaged in the protection of human rights outside their territory, for example, in the third world or in the post-Soviet space, but not in their own country. Therefore, the internal work of European human rights organizations focuses mainly on the protection of the rights of migrants. Unfortunately, there is no experience in protecting the rights of citizens within their countries.
The problems that arose as a result of the migration wave of 2015 in Europe, that has already been named by researchers the largest since wave the World War II, convince that the situation when the time, speed and size of migration depend to a greater extent on the decision of potential migrants themselves is unacceptable. These processes should be monitored and coordinated, including at the interstate level.
However, despite the fact that globalization turns to one degree or another, almost any state into a multinational, not everyone is ready to bear responsibility for the on-going processes taking place, including the fate of their own citizens. “The authorities of the countries – sources of migration – do not control the rate of emigration or the rate of return of the migrants and therefore depend in this regard on the control measures used by the authorities of the countries receiving migrants” [5. P. 12].
The problem of the relationship between the human rights of the migrants and those of the local population remains open despite the adoption in December 2018 in Marrakech of the UN Global Migration Compact, further approved by the UN General Assembly, which determines the prospects for the development of the migration legislation. The Compact has provoked fierce debate, resistance and rejection on the part of many countries. Out of the 193 countries, the Compact was supported by 181 countries, 3 countries abstained and the US and Hungary voted against it. United States voted against it because the goals of the Compact are not consistent with its immigration law. Today, Budapest is in general one of the most ardent opponents of the migration policy of the European Union, accusing the Chairman of the European Commission Jean-Claude Juncker and American billionaire George Soros in promoting uncontrolled mass immigration to Hungary. In turn, the European Commission officially accused the government of Hungary under the leadership of Prime Minister Viktor Orban of spreading fake news about the EU migration policy [9].
Although the EU summit in Salzburg announced in September 2018 that its plans to introduce mandatory quotas for the distribution of migrants to different countries were abandoned, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Romania and Poland also refused to join the migration Pact. In practice, this is also the position of Austria that has closed its border for the migration flows and suggested an organization of camps for the reception of refugees on one of the uninhabited Islands in the Mediterranean. This position is shared by Italy and Bulgaria, that support the idea of creating filtration camps for the reception, verification and screening of refugees intercepted in the Mediterranean, outside the EU zone. The idea of so-called “landing platforms” is gaining popularity, moreover, the first of them is proposed to be built in Albania and Macedonia, for which it may become one of the conditions for the accession to the EU.
The Covenant embraces 23 goals related to the coordination of the efforts by the states in such matters as saving the lives of migrants, combating human trafficking, assistance in integration and elimination of discrimination, provision of accessible pathways for the regulated migration and a lot more, down to the intentions in the near future to create a document summarizing all of the key civil rights of migrants, including the right to private property, education, healthcare, fair justice, attorney services etc.
One of the points of the covenant brings us back to the topic of “taboo.” Its essence is in the “training” of journalists covering the issues of migration of the correct “terminology.” The main term to be abandoned is “illegal migrant,” which has a negative connotation, causing bad associations. And yet this document has become a legislative basis, thanks to which liberal politicians will be able to adopt their own laws to facilitate the uncontrolled influx of migrants. At the same time, countries headed by conservative, national-oriented leaders refused to sign the treaty. As a result, the document, designed to bring some clarity, actually led to a political split within the European Union.
Despite the fact that the number of newly arriving migrants is falling sharply, the EU is no longer ready for the policy of open borders, the consequences of the mass influx of the previous three years were too heavy. Today, the United Europe has no solidarity in solving the problems of migration policy, except, perhaps, one: to increase the powers of Frontex (the EU Agency for external border security). Today, efforts made, on the one hand, to protect the recognition of the equality of social minorities, determined by such characteristics as race, ethnicity, religion, and on the other hand, to preserve their identity and the system of values have become the most electorally significant product in the political market of the European Union, once conceived as a new progressive form of supranational and supranational collective identification.
The intransigence of positions on the migration issue contributes to the internal political split not only in some European countries. Large-scale forced migration caused by conflicts, disasters, climate and economic causes in recent years has “undermined” sustainable. “We do not agree with the main message of the agreement, in which migration is depicted as a phenomenon that determines the future of the globalized world, and all countries are divided into countries of origin, transit and destination,” said the head of the Hungarian Foreign Ministry Peter Szijjarto, criticizing the UN global agreement on migration. Today, it is becoming more and more obvious that poorly managed migration processes and insufficiently effective migration policy can lead to disintegration processes and serious consequences for the development of modern social systems [4. P. 43].
The question of how to avoid such a future remains open. How to respect the rights of migrants without prejudicing the rights of indigenous people? How to organize a joint life of people who sometimes adhere to diametrically opposed norms and values? How to preserve the European values that have been developed and protected for centuries, while understanding that they are concentrated in a minority of the richest countries, to which the “poor majority” will always strive for the best share. Migration is increasingly becoming a global dilemma, material, legal, ethical and moral.
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